Lula ponders risks and tries to avoid opposition president in Congress

The presidents of the Chamber of Deputies and the Federal Senate, Arthur Lira (PP-AL) and Rodrigo Pacheco (PSD-MG), try to re-elect the internal lawsuits of the Congress that take place in this fourth fair (1st). Both parliamentarians have the support of the President of the Republic, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT), in the disputes.

As for the dialogue between Lula and Pacheco, it seemed organic since the German elections, there were doubts about the relationship between the PT player and Lira. President of the Chamber since 2021, or deputy was an ally of Jair Bolsonaro (PL) during his tenure and asked for votes for the re-election of the former president.

The PT joined the Lira campaign only at the end of November, when the PEC of Estouro was being processed by the Chamber, which made it possible, among other measures, to maintain the Bolsa Família in the amount of R$ 600. Supported by the president of the House, it was proposed approved with more than 20 folga votes.

Political scientist Deysi Cioccari points out that Lula seeks to minimize risks by supporting Lira. She explains that the PT member knows the risks of seeing in the command of the Chamber an opposition parliamentarian.

The main example is the mandate of Eduardo Cunha (not PMDB-RJ), who ended with the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff (PT), in 2016. On this occasion, Lula did not support Cunha. Later, he authorized the opening of the impeachment of the then president.

“To support Lira, or PT is being pragmatic. The idea is to try to cross the mandate [de Lira, caso seja reeleito] com os minors arranhões possíveis. Lula does not need an enemy inside Brasília”, he explains.

The power of agenda two presidents of the Câmara and of the Senate

The relationship between Lula and the current president of the Senate, Rodrigo Pacheco, is less sensitive than his relationship with Lira. The PSD, Pacheco’s party, has three ministries in the PT government – ​​Agriculture, Mines and Energy and Fisheries.

Lira and Pacheco are favorites for re-election and, even though they are not legends aligned with the PT, they signal dialogue with the Executive. This scenario explains the support and age of Lula, in the evaluation of Luciana Santana, political scientist and professor at the Federal University of Alagoas (UFAL).

In the event of the election of an opponent for the presidency of one or both Houses, the public policy agenda of the federal government would be at risk.

“The Executive seeks to have allies or, at least, people with whom they can talk [nas presidências]. The public policy agenda is Executive, but depends on the approval of Congress and, consequently, of their presidents”, explains Glauco Peres, political scientist and professor at the University of São Paulo (USP).

In the first half of Bolsonaro’s term (between 2019 and 2020), Rodrigo Maia (then in the DEM-RJ, now in the PSDB-RJ) presided over the Chamber and was not willing to process all the guidelines proposed by the government.

In March 2019, the ex-president publicly claimed to parliament: “The ball is com ele [Rodrigo Maia], not eat. I have made my part, deliver, the commitment of the regiment, and dispatch the project to go inside the Chamber”, said Bolsonaro to fulfill the agenda in Chile.

The trauma of Cunha or the ghost of impeachment

In addition to the power to “trave” the agenda of the federal government, another reason for the Executive to seek a good relationship with the presidents of the Legislative Houses, especially in the Chamber of Deputies, is responsibility for the impeachment process.

Parliamentarians, organizations and at the same civis can prepare an impeachment request of the President of the Republic and send it to the Chamber, but its processing can only be authorized by the President of the House.

“If the President of the Chamber is an ally of the President of the Republic, or the Pope can request his impeachment that he will not continue,” affirms political scientist Deysi Cioccari.

During Lira’s term, Bolsonaro was the subject of dozens of requests for impeachment, which he denounced from the management of the pandemic at alleged threats to democracy. The president of the Câmara, contudo, does not proceed with any of the petitions.

Dilma Rousseff, during her second term, which began in 2015, lives a different cenário. In February of that year, Eduardo Cunha was elected president of the Chamber, defeating the government’s candidate, Arlindo Chinaglia (PT-SP).

Months later, Cunha became the subject of a process for breach of parliamentary decorum in the Council of Ethics of the Chamber. At the time, three PT parliamentarians integrated the Council and did not support the acquittal of the parliamentarian.

In the midst of this process, the then president of the Chamber decided to file two impeachment requests against the executive chef. Approved by the Chamber and the Senate, or the request culminated in the dismissal of Dilma, who left the Presidency in 2016.

Fim das emendadas de rapporteur eo poder do presidente da Câmara

During his tenure, Arthur Lira further strengthened the power of influence of the President of the Chamber by means of several rapporteur amendments, which were known as “secret orçamento”. The Federal Supreme Court (STF), by limiting the use of the mechanism in December of last year.

The rapporteur of the General Order of 2023, Senator Marcelo Castro (MDB-PI), explained after the decision of the STF that the R$ 19.4 billion reserved for the rapporteur’s amendments will be destined for the commission’s amendments that attend to demands of all or country.

For Deysi Cioccari, the move has little impact on the powers of the President of the Chamber.

“Some alterations [nas emendas de relator] são muito mais ‘for English to see’ than concrete. As relator’s amendments are for the commission of orçamento, then don’t change much, ”he says.

Luciana Santana, on the other hand, accredits that the limit to the secret orçamento strikes a balance in the relations between the Executive and the Legislative.

“With the alterations in the dynamics of the rapporteur amendments, it is expected that Arthur Lira [ou outro parlamentar eleito para a presidência da Câmara] I have a more republican relationship with the Executive”, he opines.